

The San Fran Fed conducts yet another mindnumbingly (and taxpayer funded) obvious study, this time uncovering what everyone with half a brain knows: namely that immigrants are good for the economy. But don't tell that to all those who want the H1-B program destroyed and to seal of the Mexico-Texas border by digging a mile deep trench filled with sharks with laser beams attached to their heads. Setting aside the fact that absent a surge in immigration, and a forced household formation impetus, the demand curve of the home price equilibrium chart will continue shrinking until homes will be worth less than half, to have to explain to other economists that immigrants are a net-net positive just makes one wonder about the inbreeding trends prevalent within the Keynesian shaman elite (how about the FRBSF do a study on that for a change?). But of course, stating the obvious would not get one too far in the citation-demanding economotenure track, so instead author Giovanni Peri, uses polysyllabic words such as: "Statistical analysis of state-level data shows that immigrants expand the economy’s productive capacity by stimulating investment and promoting specialization. This produces efficiency gains and boosts income per worker. At the same time, evidence is scant that immigrants diminish the employment opportunities of U.S.-born workers." And since none of those who are convinced that immigration, and not laziness, or flawed fiscal policy, is the main reason why nobody is not only having a job, but looking for one, will actually read this paper, we once again ask politely and simply: "why the hell was this thing commissioned, and how much did the national deficit increase because of its completion?"
Either way, here is the full thing, for your single-ply amusement:
The Effect of Immigrants on U.S. Employment and Productivity
BY GIOVANNI PERI
The effects of immigration on the total output and income of the
U.S. economy can be studied by comparing output per worker and
employment in states that have had large immigrant inflows with data
from states that have few new foreign-born workers. Statistical analysis
of state-level data shows that immigrants expand the economy's
productive capacity by stimulating investment and promoting
specialization. This produces efficiency gains and boosts income per
worker. At the same time, evidence is scant that immigrants diminish the
employment opportunities of U.S.-born workers.
Immigration in recent decades has significantly increased the
presence of foreign-born workers in the United States. The impact of
these immigrants on the U.S. economy is hotly debated. Some stories in
the popular press suggest that immigrants diminish the job
opportunities of workers born in the United States. Others portray
immigrants as filling essential jobs that are shunned by other workers.
Economists who have analyzed local labor markets have mostly failed to
find large effects of immigrants on employment and wages of U.S.-born
workers (see Borjas 2006; Card 2001, 2007, 2009; and Card and Lewis
2007).
This Economic Letter summarizes recent research by Peri (2009)
and Peri and Sparber (2009) examining the impact of immigrants on the
broader U.S. economy. These studies systematically analyze how
immigrants affect total output, income per worker, and employment in
the short and long run. Consistent with previous research, the analysis
finds no significant effect of immigration on net job growth for
U.S.-born workers in these time horizons. This suggests that the economy
absorbs immigrants by expanding job opportunities rather than by
displacing workers born in the United States. Second, at the state
level, the presence of immigrants is associated with increased output
per worker. This effect emerges in the medium to long run as businesses
adjust their physical capital, that is, equipment and structures, to
take advantage of the labor supplied by new immigrants. However, in the
short run, when businesses have not fully adjusted their productive
capacity, immigrants reduce the capital intensity of the economy.
Finally, immigration is associated with an increase in average hours
per worker and a reduction in skills per worker as measured by the share
of college-educated workers in a state. These two effects have
opposite and roughly equal effect on labor productivity.
The method
A major challenge to immigration research is the difficulty of
identifying the effects of immigration on economic variables when we do
not observe what would have happened if immigration levels had been
different, all else being equal. To get around this problem, we take
advantage of the fact that the increase in immigrants has been very
uneven across states. For example, in California, one worker in three
was foreign born in 2008, while in West Virginia the comparable
proportion was only one in 100. By exploiting variations in the inflows
of immigrants across states at 10-year intervals from 1960 to 2000,
and annually from 1994 to 2008, we are able to estimate the short-run
(one to two years), medium-run (four years), and long-run (seven to ten
years) impact of immigrants on output, income, and employment.
To ensure that we are isolating the effects of immigrants rather than
effects of other factors, we control for a range of variables that
might contribute to differences in economic outcomes. These include
sector specialization, research spending, openness to trade, technology
adoption, and others. We then compare economic outcomes in states that
experienced increases in immigrant inflows with states that did not
experience significant increases.
As a further control for isolating the specific effects of immigration,
we focus on variations in the flow of immigrants that are caused by
geographical and historical factors and are not the result of
state-specific economic conditions. For example, a state may experience
rapid growth, which attracts a lot of immigrants and also affects
output, income, and employment. In terms of geography, proximity to the
Mexican border is associated with high net immigration because border
states tend to get more immigrants. Historical migration patterns also
are a factor because immigrants are drawn to areas with established
immigrant communities. These geography and history-driven flows
increase the presence of immigrants, but do not reflect state-specific
economic conditions. Hence, economic outcomes associated with these
flows are purer measures of the impact of immigrants on economic
variables.
The short- and the long-run effects of immigrants
Figure 1
Employment and income
Immigration effects on employment, income, and productivity vary by
occupation, job, and industry. Nonetheless, it is possible to total
these effects to get an aggregate economic impact. Here we attempt to
quantify the aggregate gains and losses for the U.S. economy from
immigration. If the average impact on employment and income per worker
is positive, this implies an aggregate “surplus” from immigration. In
other words, the total gains accruing to some U.S.-born workers are
larger than the total losses suffered by others.
Figures 1 and 2 show the response of key economic variables to an
inflow of immigrants equal to 1% of employment. Figure 1 shows the
impact on employment of U.S.-born workers and on average income per
worker after one, two, four, seven, and ten years. Figure 2 shows the
impact on the components of income per worker: physical capital
intensity, as measured by capital per unit of output; skill intensity,
as measured by human capital per worker; average hours worked; and
total factor productivity, measuring productive efficiency and
technological level. Some interesting patterns emerge.
Figure 2
Capital intensity, hours per worker, and total factor productivity
First, there is no evidence that immigrants crowd out U.S.-born
workers in either the short or long run. Data on U.S.-born worker
employment imply small effects, with estimates never statistically
different from zero. The impact on hours per worker is similar. We
observe insignificant effects in the short run and a small but
significant positive effect in the long run. At the same time,
immigration reduces somewhat the skill intensity of workers in the
short and long run because immigrants have a slightly lower average
education level than U.S.-born workers.
Second, the positive long-run effect on income per U.S.-born worker
accrues over some time. In the short run, small insignificant effects
are observed. Over the long run, however, a net inflow of immigrants
equal to 1% of employment increases income per worker by 0.6% to 0.9%.
This implies that total immigration to the United States from 1990 to
2007 was associated with a 6.6% to 9.9% increase in real income per
worker. That equals an increase of about $5,100 in the yearly income of
the average U.S. worker in constant 2005 dollars. Such a gain equals
20% to 25% of the total real increase in average yearly income per
worker registered in the United States between 1990 and 2007.
The third result is that the long-run increase in income per worker
associated with immigrants is mainly due to increases in the efficiency
and productivity of state economies. This effect becomes apparent in
the medium to long run. Such a gradual response of productivity is
accompanied by a gradual response of capital intensity. While in the
short run, physical capital per unit of output is decreased by net
immigration, in the medium to long run, businesses expand their
equipment and physical plant proportionally to their increase in
production.
How can these patterns be explained?
The effects identified above can be explained by adjustments businesses
make over time that allow them to take full advantage of the new
immigrant labor supply. These adjustments, including upgrading and
expanding capital stock, provide businesses with opportunities to expand
in response to hiring immigrants.
This process can be analyzed at the state level (see Peri and Sparber
2009). The analysis begins with the well-documented phenomenon that
U.S.-born workers and immigrants tend to take different occupations.
Among less-educated workers, those born in the United States tend to
have jobs in manufacturing or mining, while immigrants tend to have
jobs in personal services and agriculture. Among more-educated workers,
those born in the United States tend to work as managers, teachers,
and nurses, while immigrants tend to work as engineers, scientists, and
doctors. Second, within industries and specific businesses, immigrants
and U.S.-born workers tend to specialize in different job tasks.
Because those born in the United States have relatively better English
language skills, they tend to specialize in communication tasks.
Immigrants tend to specialize in other tasks, such as manual labor. Just
as in the standard concept of comparative advantage, this results in
specialization and improved production efficiency.
Figure 3
Communication/manual skills among less-educated U.S.-born workers
Note: The data on average communication/manual
skills by state are from Peri and Sparber (2009), obtained from the
manual and communication intensity of occupations, weighted according to
the distributional occupation of U.S.-born workers.
If these patterns are driving the differences across states, then in
states where immigration has been heavy, U.S.-born workers with less
education should have shifted toward more communication-intensive jobs.
Figure 3 shows exactly this. The share of immigrants among the less
educated is strongly correlated with the extent of U.S.-born worker
specialization in communication tasks. Each point in the graph
represents a U.S. state in 2005. In states with a heavy concentration
of less-educated immigrants, U.S.-born workers have migrated toward
more communication-intensive occupations. Those jobs pay higher wages
than manual jobs, so such a mechanism has stimulated the productivity
of workers born in the United States and generated new employment
opportunities.
To better understand this mechanism, it is useful to consider the
following hypothetical illustration. As young immigrants with low
schooling levels take manually intensive construction jobs, the
construction companies that employ them have opportunities to expand.
This increases the demand for construction supervisors, coordinators,
designers, and so on. Those are occupations with greater communication
intensity and are typically staffed by U.S.-born workers who have moved
away from manual construction jobs. This complementary task
specialization typically pushes U.S.-born workers toward better-paying
jobs, enhances the efficiency of production, and creates jobs. This
task specialization, however, may involve adoption of different
techniques or managerial procedures and the renovation or replacement
of capital equipment. Hence, it takes some years to be fully realized.
Conclusions
The U.S. economy is dynamic, shedding and creating hundreds of
thousands of jobs every month. Businesses are in a continuous state of
flux. The most accurate way to gauge the net impact of immigration on
such an economy is to analyze the effects dynamically over time. Data
show that, on net, immigrants expand the U.S. economy’s productive
capacity, stimulate investment, and promote specialization that in the
long run boosts productivity. Consistent with previous research, there
is no evidence that these effects take place at the expense of jobs for
workers born in the United States.
Giovanni Peri is an associate professor at the
University of California, Davis, and a visiting scholar at the Federal
Reserve Bank of San Francisco.
References
Borjas, George J. 2006. “Native Internal Migration and the Labor Market Impact of Immigration.” Journal of Human Resources 41(2), pp. 221–258.
Card, David. 2001. “Immigrant Inflows, Native Outflows, and the Local Labor Market Impacts of Higher Immigration.” Journal of Labor Economics 19(1), pp. 22–64.
Card, David. 2007. “How Immigration Affects U.S. Cities.” University College London, Centre for Research and Analysis of Migration Discussion Paper 11/07.
Card, David. 2009. “Immigration and Inequality.” American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings 99(2), pp. 1–21.
Card, David, and Ethan Lewis. 2007. “The Diffusion of Mexican Immigrants during the 1990s: Explanations and Impacts.” In Mexican Immigration to the United States, ed. George J. Borjas. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Peri, Giovanni, and Chad Sparber. 2009. “Task Specialization, Immigration, and Wages.” American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 1(3), pp. 135–169.
Peri, Giovanni. 2009. “The Effect of Immigration on Productivity: Evidence from U.S. States.” NBER Working Paper 15507.